It is well enough known that Greece has no foreign policy of its own, and that it has to help Ukrainians to kill Russians, when many Greeks have been waiting years for their state pensions. It currently has the largest military budget in NATO in relation to the size of its economy, at 3.54% of gross domestic product, and is planning the purchase of a huge batch of American F-35s and, for good measure, French Rafales. The Greek-Turkish dispute is again becoming lucrative for certain foreign shareholders.
Being a subset of American foreign (i.e. military) policy is one thing. But why also damage Greek children and the family, and try to undermine the Church? Is that also part of the package deal between the US and Mitsotakis, or is the latter simply pandering to the warped LGBTQ ideology, to present Greece as a ‘fashionable and modern country’?
On 4 July (America’s Independence Day), in an interview with Bloomberg Television in Athens, Mitsotakis said that same-sex marriage would happen at some point, and that it was part of his strategy, adding that Greek society was much more ready and mature.
What ‘ready and mature’ means is open to debate. Is it mature to go against the most basic tenets of Greece’s Orthodox Christian faith? Taking the arguments of the very small but loud-mouthed LGBTQ brigade further, do parents really wish their little children to be asked in school whether they are male or female, and told the intricate details of sex between homosexuals? Is this not using children as guinea pigs to satisfy the warped lusts of a tiny minority of narcistically pseudo-compassionate social engineers?
For those parents who care for their children, and who wish to counter Mitsotakis’ cynical attack, they would do well to understand the origins of this attack on family values. Back in 1947, an intelligent American wrote: ‘This decay is represented most typically by the belief in the power of science to solve all problems and, more particularly, all political problems which confront man in the modern age.’
I do not know whether the author had read Nikolai Berdyaev’s The Meaning of History, or Giambattista Vico’s The New Science, but his meaning was clear, as one of his quotes show. ‘Decadent liberalism still was convinced that democracy is peace and that autocracy, now resurgent as fascism, is at least potential war. But whereas classical liberalism had understood this opposition in the sense of different predominant tendencies of a non-exclusive character, decadent liberalism gave this opposition a non-political and absolute meaning. Hence fascism and militarism, on the one hand, and democracy and love for peace, on the other, became synonymous; and democracy could not wage war without betraying its very principles to fascism.’
The perceptive Morgenthau was of course writing about the incipient degeneration of America, which has now however even reached the brains of political cynics like Mitsotakis. I doubt that Mitsotakis has ever even heard of Vico, who declared that although science could break down the elements of something, it could never explain its essence.
One can doubt that the American-educated former banker Mitsotakis would understand this commonsense quote: ‘In brief, man is also a moral being. It is this side of man which the age of science has obscured and distorted, if not obliterated, by trying to reduce moral problems to scientific propositions.’
If Greek parents care for true values and for their children’s welfare, they would do well to consider advocation Russia’s law on ‘the Purpose of Protecting Children from Information Advocating a Denial of Traditional Family Values’, as well as the legal measures in Hungary to protect children. Turkey perhaps presents an interesting case: although homosexuality is permitted, the LGBTQ brigade is not recognised. It appears that Turkey has understood that identifying and categorising society psycho-sexually leads to apartheid and conflict. The obvious message that comes across here is simple”]: ‘Live and let live!’
