A "photograph" of the next months after the upcoming elections in Turkey, is given by the Greek specialist Turkologist Nikos Michaelidis who states that "Erdogan is not in good health... and maybe in a few months we will face an even bigger problem.
The big winner of the Turkish "elections" is the Turkish far-right in its various shades. After all, they control many government services...let them listen to them in Athens as well".
The relatively recent episode of the Turkish president's fainting during a television interview was indicative of Erdogan's health, which is on a dangerous course for the same.
Many, even in Turkey itself, believe that Erdogan will win comfortably in the second round of the election, but they are not at all sure that he can stand to be at the helm of the country for another four years.
The mysterious illness that the Turkish president has, can take him down at any time.
The scenario for Hellenism would be bleak, because with or without Erdogan, Turkish nationalism in all its forms lives and reigns in this country, with plans to expand and revive the Ottoman Empire.
Cengiz Akhtar, Turkish political scientist, essayist and columnist, as well as the expert Claudio Fontana state that:
"The issue according to many media outlets for today's Turkey, is that "pollsters have failed to capture what pro-government commentators have called Turkey's "nationalist deep wave."
Erdogan has promised to continue the neo-Ottoman imperial project he has begun.
He used his power in the media to sharply equate the opposition with "enemies of the nation," be they Western powers, Kurdish separatism, or simply ungodly elites.
The opposition largely ignored it. They bet that people were numb to Erdogan's warnings of existential threats and the fifth phalanx.
They thought the financial crisis made people too miserable to care.
They campaigned for strong, orthodox economic governance, anti-authoritarian and inclusive.
Neither side wanted to compromise and react to what the other side was doing. Both stuck to their message.
Perhaps, in the middle, there was a significant group of voters who heard both sides, considered voting for Kilisdaroglu, but in the privacy of the polling booth, they changed their minds.
They did so mainly because of negative campaigning on Erdogan's part.
In the West, the economy usually plays a huge role in determining voter preferences. This could suggest that Erdogan's followers were doomed.
But in reality the Turkish president proved resilient and gained the upper hand before the second round.
Erdogan's voters have proven resilient to economic shocks.
While inflation erodes incomes and creates enormous stress, people lose their homes, can't feed their children, and while they don't have the wages that once afforded them a comfortable life, they support Erdogan...for new conquests.
On the other hand, unemployment has been steadily decreasing in recent years, and being part of the AKP Party's support networks has helped people meet basic needs.
However, there was a sharp decline in the living standards of the working and middle class.
Voters said this was part of a transition process to a "national economy" and was part of the country's epic struggle for independence and superpower status.
Perhaps Turkey is a forerunner of an Islamic-type political dynamic that is also emerging in Europe.
Regarding Islamism, one must ask: which Islamism?
Turkey is becoming more secular day by day. Islamism was an attempt to extract the political system from religious orthodoxy. Now it is a cluster of mystical symbols, often mixed with other nationalist themes or the conventions of cult-like 'cemaat' networks.
What Islamism sounds like is the promise of exceptionalism and geopolitical importance.
This is why the government did not campaign specifically on issues of the Islamist agenda, such as the age of marriage, religious education or the penal code.
They campaigned on a strong defense sector and anti-gay rhetoric, things we hear comfortably from many European far-right parties (today or in modern history).
Erdogan's prayer in Hagia Sophia the night before the election was essentially a pre-election rally. Previous generations of Islamists would have been deeply disturbed by this kind of display, but things are different now.
AKP came with elections, but the regime will not end with elections.
If this happens, all officials, starting with the Turkish president, will be in the Supreme Court, answering for their crimes.
That much is clear. Moreover, because of their role in the Syrian civil war, the indictment of the International Criminal Court will always be a threat to them.
Many Western commentators who find it difficult to accept the election results are responsible for failing to appreciate the extent to which fascism has taken hold in Turkey.
They give people false hope. They contribute to the depressed mood that has spread since the election.
Understanding the Erdogan phenomenon and the regime he has been working to establish for years requires more than studying Erdogan's background, his political party, his inner circles, his business relationships, Turkey's political history, the mistakes he made they were made by the previous elites.
Erdogan's followers, whom he refers to as the "majority" and the "glorious nation," have blatant fascist characteristics.
These cohesive masses stay in power through brutality and aggression.
Now Erdogan and his regime have Turkish citizens by the throat. Unlike Germany, Italy or Russia in the early 20th century, totalitarianism in Turkey did not emerge from crises that tore society apart.
Instead, it emerged from a country that was a model nation with a promising economy and aspirations towards integration with the European Union.
Where Turkish totalitarianism came from and what lies at its core has yet to be studied in depth. We hope such studies will be conducted, but Turkish fascism is now spreading," they both emphasize.
