As simerini.sigmalive.com reports, the Turks are advancing in the "buffer zone" and even though the government promised that after the Pyla crisis there was a "meeting" with the Turkish side, namely with the occupying "authorities" and the United Nations. It was in agreement with the Turkish government and the United Nations, to restore the regime violated by the Attila regime. The issue is much more complex and acute than it appears. And this is true, because it involves security issues, especially in populated areas from Agios Dometios to Deryneia, while at the same time it raises issues of sovereignty and territorial expansion of the occupation. What is happening today did not happen overnight, but over a number of years and constant retreats by the Cypriot governments, which hid the Turkish aggressive practice under the carpet, so as not to spoil the atmosphere with the other side due to the illusion that by appeasing them we were close to a solution.
Let's take things from the beginning: The Turkish side does not consider that the "buffer zone" belongs to the Republic of Cyprus, but that a large part of it falls under the so-called "sovereignty" of the pseudo-state. The issue is linked:
CHAPTER A: Diplomatic, legal and territorial
- With the talks and territory. Because they are related to the percentage of land restitution and its calculation as a percentage of the total in the event of a solution. Therefore, the more "buffer zone" territory the Turks hold, the less territory they will return.
- With the recognition or acceptance of the pseudo-state as a separate entity in the principle of "acknowledgment" (previous stage of full recognition). This is a concept of a potential solution, which means that: Since the north will be on the basis of a federation or confederation perpetually Turkish, moves of mutual acceptance and final recognition of each other should be made. The Republic of Cyprus may be recognised internationally, but not by Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots. This is the logic of Erdogan's realities. This political and legal approach is related to the claim of the occupying "authorities" to sign a separate agreement with the United Kingdom. UN to repeal Resolution 186 of '64, on the basis of which the Republic of Cyprus was recognized, after the intercommunal riots of 1964, as the only legal authority with which the United Nations has recognized the Republic of Cyprus. The UN is the only legitimate legal authority that determines the terms of reference of the Peacekeeping Force on the island. So, through the "buffer zone", the Turkish side:A) It gains new territory on the line of confrontation. B) Seeks to repeal a fundamental Security Council resolution, 186, to de-recognize the Republic of Cyprus and accept or even recognize the pseudo-state and, therefore, formally move the basis of a solution to the problem to the two-state practice.
CHAPTER B: Security, strategic planning
What finally happened at Pyla? The understanding to which the Government referred and the fact that the "buffer zone" issue had been settled were linked to the appointment of an envoy to explore the territory and the good climate and the conditions of trust between the parties. Ultimately, the consensus was that there was no common understanding. In Pyla, the process and the effort failed because the Government and the United Nations were not in agreement. Instead of standing on the Attila line, as determined after the Second Attila, the Government and the United Nations accepted previous Turkish positions.
And the Turkish side has insisted on its own new advances, in which it considers at least half of Pyla to be under the "sovereignty" of the pseudo-state. And how did the UN act? How did the United Nations and especially Colin Stewart act? He signed one agreement with the government, as was convenient for both, and another... unsigned agreement with the Turkish side, as was also convenient for both. But the two agreements, one with a signature and the other with a Gentleman's signature, were not in the same understanding. In the end, what did Stewart do? He gave an agreement to the Government, which he kept on paper and allowed the Turkish side to extend the occupation! Legal paper, that one. Gentlemen's agreement with a legal basis and the acquisition of illegal territory, the other. In this regard, the following are noted:
- President Christodoulides entrusted the United Kingdom with the support of the United Nations. President Christodoulou trusted the UN and the occupying 'authorities' for an agreement in the 'buffer zone' and his efforts did not bear fruit. By what logic will there be trust in the next steps, when at every turn - the same happened in Pyla - the Turkish side wants the repeal of Security Council Resolution 186 and a separate agreement on the action of the Peace Force in the occupied territories, because there, according to the Attila's claim, there are separate 'authorities' and 'state'? How can he trust the UN? How to trust the United Nations?
- The broader strategic plan of the Turks is to pass the tanks through Pyla and: a) Reach the highway and cut off the Kokkinochoria area from Larnaca. b) To advance through Arsos, Pyla and Oroklini to Larnaca in order to occupy vital strategic areas such as the port and the airport, and the road to Limassol, but also to Nicosia via Kosia by advancing from the Athienou area.
In other words, the aim is to create conditions of paralysis. And this paralysis is also reflected in the improvement of war works, which are in fact offensive, while the tank cuts and the trenches in Deryneia have a defensive and at the same time offensive character in case of a crisis. They send the message that on the one hand they have a 'state' and on the other hand they can defend themselves and that we cannot get it into our heads that we can move towards occupied Famagusta, but something else: At any moment they have the political will and can advance. They are killing hope. And the talks for a solution, since the message is clear: They will be conducted under the shadow of Turkish power. There are, of course, two other points about the Famagusta issue. The first is the use of the port for military, in other words naval warfare purposes, and the second is the infrastructure within the enclosed city, which is ultimately not at all demilitarised, but a base! Strategically, therefore, it is obvious that through Pyla and Deryneia the free Famagusta area is encircled and, in the event of a crisis, ends.
Agios Dometios, Deneia, Troodos
In Agios Dometios, and previously in Deneia, things are just as bad. In Agios Dometios, the problem was not the thermal camera in Maria's house, but the illegal extension of the occupation with the acquiescence of the UN and with the government throwing up its hands. Turkish occupation forces are reaching the residential areas within 30 meters and the main road of Republic Avenue, near the barricade. Thus, they are already holding populations hostage and creating favourable conditions for an advance if and when they want to, especially considering that the National Guard's sentries have been reduced to a minimum due to the reduction of the service and the impossibility of other options to fill the gap. And the conditions of insecurity are related to low morale and panic in case of crisis, as well as the conditions of surrender. The incident at Maria's house and any advance are related to the strengthening of Turkish positions in other parts of the "buffer zone", at the Kolokasidis traffic junction and with Deneia. They have the ultimate aim of cutting off the road networks of Nicosia and encircling the centre, combined with warlike activities in the area of Tympos and Deneia to cut off the highway to Troodos and encircle the capital and the population, which is not prepared to face such conditions.
CHAPTER C: The messages
What is happening in the "buffer zone" is a mirror of Turkish intentions in view of the arrival in Cyprus, in 2024, of the new UN Secretary General's envoy to find common ground, i.e. a basis for the resumption of talks. Question: The resolutions of the United Nations are not in line with the UN resolutions. UN resolutions are not the common ground? If they are not, then what can be the basis? An average between two equal constituent states with political equality and two states with sovereign equality? What, then, are the messages from the "buffer zone"?
First, the Turkish side is not backing down. It is creating new defaults and advancing by winning through the shadow of its power. Secondly, there is no trust between the two parties, especially between the two leaders. This was also evident in Pyla. Just as there is not enough credibility on the part of the United Nations, there is not enough credibility on the part of the United States. There is no trust in the United Nations. Both in Cyprus, because they do nothing within their mandates to restore the status quo violated by the Turks on the line of confrontation, and internationally, where UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres has lost credibility in the Ukraine and Gaza crises. And the Security Council is paralysed. When it makes decisions, they serve the national interests of the great powers and then law. Let us put this issue in the following way: Law can be applied when it coincides with serving the national interests of the rulers and with power. Third, the government fails to provide its citizens with the minimum. Third, the government cannot provide the minimum. Under these circumstances, how can talks resume? Unless what happened in Pyla will also happen with the UN Secretary General's envoy. The initial satisfaction and understanding turned out to be another communication illusion and another boomerang
Map of Pyla, showing how the Turks have advanced since 1974 and how they have extended their occupation of territory since 26/9/2023. Area of extension of the occupation 6,124 sq km. This is happening with the acquiescence of the United Nations. This is the result of the tolerance of the United Nations and the inability of effective action by the Government, which was left exposed because it was celebrating that it had solved the problem.
The violation of the "buffer zone", especially in Maria's house, has been going on since 2004, when the flags of Turkey and the pseudo-state were raised. The Turkish intention is evident and the map clearly shows that in the event of a crisis they will advance on Democracy Avenue and control vital road networks to trap populations and encircle Nicosia. The planning is broader. They are currently reinforcing the insecurity regime among residents, with the National Guard weakened by the constant mistakes in its restructuring and the way it operates. On the hills that dominate the area, such as 182, there are trenches for transporting battle positions. The thermal cameras were the tip of the iceberg, a problem in the "buffer zone" that is getting worse and is related to the Turkish perception of separate sovereignty and something else: The "buffer zone" does not belong to the legitimate state.
This map shows how the gradual advance of the Turkish occupation forces has been taking place since 1978 (red and white), and that there is no intention of returning the closed city of Famagusta, which is an offensive base in case of a crisis. The anti-tank trenches in both the area of Deryneia and the closed city of Famagusta are recorded in green indented colour. Connected with green dots are the battle transport trenches, with a red triangle are the outposts and with red dots are the positions of cover for battle tanks. This is a lobster area! But also an attack force towards the free areas.
